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請使用永久網址來引用或連結此文件:
https://nccur.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/157459
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| 題名: | 「中國與台灣的纏足解放運動」專書寫作計畫
The Footbinding-Liberation Movements in China and Taiwan |
| 作者: | 苗延威 |
| 貢獻者: | 社會系 |
| 關鍵詞: | 纏足;天足;反纏足運動;視覺科技;身體政治
footbinding;natural feet;anti-footbinding movements;visual technologies;body politics |
| 日期: | 2018-10 |
| 上傳時間: | 2025-06-20 13:08:03 (UTC+8) |
| 摘要: | 本「專書寫作計晝」旨在從歷史社會學和性別史/身體史的角度，探究「纏足」這個曾經延續將近千年 之久，影響層面既深且廣的女性身體文化傳統，如何在清末民初被建構成為一種「國族污名」，而在 相對上頗為短暫的時間之内終結的過程。本書將從身體的文化、社會和國家等三個層面入手。首先， 就文化層面而論，本研究特別著重於中國女人的小腳如何被西方知識/權力菁英建構和呈現成為「視覺 知識域」上的邪惡存在：骯髒和病癥、野蠻記號，以及醜惡品味。而此一「視覺中心主義的現代性」 則經由口岸文化的開展而舖陳了後來的反纏足運動論述。其次，就社會層面而論，為了脈絡化反纏足 運動挑起的文化衝突，我們將回過頭來考察支撐纏足的社會文化基礎。一般認為，纏足乃是父權體制 下的產物。其他關鍵因素則包括族群認同、女性認同，以及，透過文化資本和婚姻市場而產生的向上 社會流動想像。此外，女性的纏足也和男性的功名一般，成為「绅士習域」的指標之一。而晚清口岸 文化的發展，以及隨之而起的新興本土菁英，例如接受教會學校教育的中國基督徒、為洋行服務的買 辦階層，以及受西學影響的新知識份子，則在各個口岸文化圈形成一股挑戰傳統绅士習域的力量，繼 而動搖了纏足文化的正當性。本計晝有意梳理、分析和比較四個發生於相互交錯的時空脈絡，但又清 晰可辨的反纏足運動：廈門戒纏足會（ 1875)、上海天足會（ 1895)、上海不纏足會（1897)與台北天 然足會（ 1900)。由晚清改革者為主體的反纏足運動則以國族主義為基調，他們指責纏足應為種族羸 弱、民生疾苦負責，因此視纏足的解放為「保國保種」的契機。第三、就國家層面而論，辛亥革命之 後的各個地方政權承襲了晚清的救國論述，並將之轉化為國家主義，使「國家」成為推動公民「身體」
「現代化」的合法行動者。然因内戰頻仍，中央政府的政令未能到達鄉村地區，唯有在政治軍事相對 穩定的地區性國家政權裡，包括受到閻錫山控制數十年的山西省軍閥政權、北伐後的國民黨南京政 權、共產黨的延安政權，以及日治台灣的殖民政權，國家化的放足政策，始見規模。上述區域的反纏 足運動也代表了國家機器藉著瓦解家庭對個人身體的權威，以強化其社會控制的能力，並將解纏後的 女性收編為經濟生產和戰爭動員等國家作為的人力資源。最後，在結論部分，本書將從身體政治的角 度討論女體在近現代中國與日治台灣所遭遇的「現代性方案」，包括「現代國家」的興起，以及「身 體治理性」的要求，並重新理解纏足這項歷史被定義為「陋習」和「野蠻記號」的身體文化，究竟如 何挑動了我們對現代性/文明化進程的疑惑。
This book project aims to analyze how the millennium-long practice of footbinding declined as a national stigma at the turn of the twentieth century in China and Taiwan. The first part focuses on the process whereby footbinding was enframed within the ocularcentric modernity. The hegemonic technologies of seeing - via journalism, medical science, exhibitions, photography, and radiography - not only visualized what had been concealed under the binding cloths but also constructed, represented and displayed it as something evil in accordance with the episteme of vision: pathologically, disease and filthiness;
anthropologically, markers of barbarism; and aesthetically, the hideous taste of beauty. The second part examines the social-cultural contexts that sustained and popularized the practice of footbinding. It explores the significance of bound feet in the formation of gender and ethnic identity as well as of the gentry habitus, by which girls’ footbinding, like boys’ studying, symbolized as a form of cultural capital for themselves and their families with which to maintain or approach a higher social position. The opening-up of an
“in-between” space (treaty ports) and the emergence of “in-between” elites (compradors and new
intellectuals), which brought about a hybrid culture and challenged the gentry habitus, is discussed as well. The third part looks at four efforts to abolish footbinding, each of which was characterized by a specific cultural framing shared by its activists. The anti-footbinding movement in late-nineteenth-century treaty ports organized by Western missionaries and memsahibs, who consciously or unconsciously assumed
responsibility for the civilizing mission, highlighted an ideology of cultural imperialism. The anti-footbinding movement led by late-Qing reform nationalists centered around the discourse of national preservation. The anti-footbinding campaigns in the Republican era launched by state regimes with relative stability - the warlord regime in Shanxi Province, the Nationalists’ Nanjing regime and the Communists’ Yanan regime -exemplified the state-building projects in relation to social control, economic production, and war mobilization. The anti-footbinding movement in colonial Taiwan initiated by native elites who agreed with the colonial authorities’ condemnation of footbinding highlighted the colonial discourse and anticipated the overall colonization of lifestyles. |
| 關聯: | 科技部, MOST105-2410-H004-093-MY2, 105.08-107.07 |
| 資料類型: | report |
| 顯示於類別: | [社會學系] 國科會研究計畫
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