政大機構典藏-National Chengchi University Institutional Repository(NCCUR):Item 140.119/104443

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政大典藏 > Journals of NCCU > Mondai to Kenkyu > Journal Articles > Item 140.119/104443

Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: https://nccur.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/104443

Title:	中国と国連の介入－－リビアを例として中國與聯合國干預：以利比亞為例
Other Titles:	中國與聯合國干預：以利比亞為例（China and UN Intervention: the Case of Libya）
Authors:	李大中
Keywords:	中國;聯合國安全理事會;安理會;利比亞;全國過渡委員會;China, UN Security Council, Libya, National Transitional Council
Date:	2011-12
Issue Date:	2016-12-02 15:24:35 (UTC+8)
Abstract:	本論は過去の記録から国際連合（以下、国連）がリビアに介入した事例を改めて検証した。その結論として、中国が国連安全保障理事会（以下、安保理）の関連決議で採った投票行動は意外なものではなく、基本的には従前のやり方に合致するものであったことを明らかにしている。つまり、国連による介入に保留と疑義を残す場合には、「意見が異なることの表明」と「不一致という破局の回避」との間のバランスを取るため、中国は否決権を行使せず、棄権する傾向がある。これはなるべく変更の余地を残し、最良の利益を守るのが主な目的である。成功か失敗かの結果論のみで、これをもって後の参考基準とし、中国の政策とその成果を判断するのは公平妥当とは言えない。なぜなら、もしカダフィ政権が最終的に勝利すれば、「リビア国民評議会」と「自由人民軍」は永遠に反乱組織・反乱軍となり、北大西洋条約機構（ NATO）の制裁措置と軍事行動は継続の道を絶たれ、敗北という結末を迎えるばかりか、いわゆる人民自身の力を主軸とする、国際社会の人道介入の正当性、大国の責任分担、後方支援に回る米国、国連と地域的組織による完全な役割分担などメディアが最近高く賞賛する西側の新たな介入モデルは言わずもがなである。つまり、今日の勝者と敗者の境界線は塗り替えられるのである。一方、我々は、ここから明らかに国連のリビア介入事例における、中国当局の政策上の欠陥や不足を察知することもできる。形勢と利益に対する誤った判断に加え、硬直化した原則の縛りと混乱が過度に自己を束縛し、過去にみられた柔軟性や実務志向の考え方が過去7 カ月において見られなかったことは、一考に価するであろう。本文認為對照過去記錄，再檢視聯合國介入利比亞的案例，可發現中國對於安理會中相關決議的投票行為，其實並不令人意外，因為基本上符合北京以往的模式，也就是假設對於聯合國的介入行動有所保留與疑慮，北京基本上仍較傾向於棄權，而非行使否決權，以便在「表達自身不同意見」與「避免結果不致破局」之間取得平衡，主要目的是希望盡可能地保留迴旋餘地，以維護最佳利益。如果僅考量成敗論英雄，以此後見之明做為標準，評價北京的政策作為與成效，其實並不公允，因為如果是格達費政權取得最終勝利，不僅代表「全國過渡委員會」與「自由利比亞武力」將永遠淪為判亂團體與叛軍，也意謂聯合國與北約的制裁措施與軍事行動無以為繼，以失利收場，更遑論媒體近來所高度讚揚之西方介入新模式，即囊括所謂的以人民自身的力量為主軸、國際人道干預的正當性、大國責任分擔、美國居於第二線以及聯合國與區域組織的完美分工等成份。換言之，今日對於贏家與輸家的界定勢將改寫。但無可諱言，從聯合國對於介入利比亞的案例中，我們仍可察覺北京在政策上的缺陷或不足，因為對於形勢與利益的誤判，再加上僵化原則的牽絆與糾纏，過度的自我束縛，導致以往較重視彈性與務實取向的思維，在過去的七個月中卻不復見，此現象值得深思。This research paper examines how the U.N. intervention worked in Libya in the past, and shows how China`s voting action in the U.N. Security Council in the Libya case wasn`t surprising-it was essentially Beijing`s traditional approach. Usually when China has some doubt about U.N.`s invention, it does not tend to use its veto power to kill a resolution, but rather abstains from voting to consider all possibilities to protect national interests for change. It is not fair to judge this policy failure in hindsight, because had the Qaddafi regime won, the `National Transitional Council` and the `Libyan People`s Army` would have become rebel forces for good, NATO could not have decided to continue its sanctions and military campaign against Libya, and people would have become skeptical about the Western model of `humanitarian intervention`: in other words, there is only a fine line between winner and loser. On the other hand, we should reconsider China`s policy mistake in dealing with U.N.`s intervention in Libya. During the past 7 months, we could not see any practical and flexible diplomatic footing from China. It seems that Chinese authorities were bound by the existing rigid rules and could not accurately assess and respond to the situation. This research paper examines how the U.N. intervention worked in Libya in the past, and shows how China`s voting action in the U.N. Security Council in the Libya case wasn`t surprising-it was essentially Beijing`s traditional approach. Usually when China has some doubt about U.N.`s invention, it does not tend to use its veto power to kill a resolution, but rather abstains from voting to consider all possibilities to protect national interests for change. It is not fair to judge this policy failure in hindsight, because had the Qaddafi regime won, the `National Transitional Council` and the `Libyan People`s Army` would have become rebel forces for good, NATO could not have decided to continue its sanctions and military campaign against Libya, and people would have become skeptical about the Western model of `humanitarian intervention`: in other words, there is only a fine line between winner and loser. On the other hand, we should reconsider China`s policy mistake in dealing with U.N.`s intervention in Libya. During the past 7 months, we could not see any practical and flexible diplomatic footing from China. It seems that Chinese authorities were bound by the existing rigid rules and could not accurately assess and respond to the situation.
Relation:	問題と研究,40-4,65-102
Data Type:	article
Appears in Collections:	[Mondai to Kenkyu] Journal Articles

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