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| Title: | 漢語光桿分類詞組之分析
On the bare classifier phrase in Mandarin Chinese |
| Authors: | 陳景芃
Chen, Ching Perng |
| Contributors: | 何萬順
Her, One Soon
陳景芃
Chen, Ching Perng |
| Keywords: | 漢語
分類詞
分類詞組
光桿
Mandarin
classifier
classifier phrase
bare |
| Date: | 2012 |
| Issue Date: | 2013-02-01 16:48:08 (UTC+8) |
| Abstract: | 本篇論文分析光桿分類詞組[CL+N]在漢語的分佈位置。過去文獻中，學者們認為光桿分類詞組[CL+N]為不定數量詞組[yi+CL+N]的音韻弱化（Lu 1990, Chen 2004），且因為出現在主詞或主題的光桿分類詞組數量詞組[yi+CL+N]並不是不定語意，不定數量詞組音韻弱化的光桿分類詞組[CL+N]不得出現在這兩個位置(Cheng & Sybesma 1999/2005, Li 1998, Huang, Li & Li 2009)。在此前提下，可以得到兩個假設，第一，所有的不定數量詞組[yi+CL+N]都能弱化為光桿分類詞組[CL+N]。第二，所有的光桿分類詞組[CL+N]都只能在不定語意的位置出現。然而，在漢語裡，即使指涉數量的數量詞組[yi+CL+N]還是能弱化為光桿分類詞組[CL+N]，且並非所有的光桿分類詞組[CL+N]都出現在不定語意的位置。換句話說，過去文獻只能解釋而非預測光桿分類詞組[CL+N]在漢語中的分佈位置。
進一步檢視漢語裡光桿分類詞組[CL+N]的分佈位置，我認為指涉數量的數量詞組[yi+CL+N] 除了在比較語境，大多時候也能弱化為光桿分類詞組[CL+N]。另外，由於漢語裡的分類詞有許多附著語素的特徵，我認為應該將其分析為附著語素較為適當。從構詞的角度來看，漢語裡的分類詞需附著於前方的成分，不能單獨出現。句法上來說，漢語分類詞可以自由黏著在某幾詞類的宿主。音韻上，漢語的分類詞以最大音韻重量限制所選宿主。綜合以上幾點，我主張，限定或非限定的句法位置並非決定漢語光桿分類詞組[CL+N]出現的主要原因；決定漢語光桿分類詞組[CL+N]的出現因素應是分類詞是否能找到適當的宿主附著。有關合法宿主的制約條件，在我的論文裡也有詳細的討論。
This thesis investigates the distribution of the bare classifier phrase [CL+N] in Mandarin Chinese. Previous studies argue that [CL+N] is the phonological reduction of the indefinite numeral classifier phrase [yi+CL+N] (Lu 1990, Chen 2004), and it cannot occur in subject or topic position because [yi+CL+N] in these positions are never considered indefinite (Cheng & Sybesma 1999/2005, Li 1998, Huang, Li & Li 2009).
Two predictions are made from these analyses. First, all indefinite [yi+CL+N] can be reduced to [CL+N], and second, [CL+N] only occurs in positions which are considered indefinite. However, it is easily found in Mandarin Chinese that numeral classifier phrase denoting quantity can also be reduced to bare classifier phrase [CL+N], and that not all [CL+N] occur in indefinite positions. In other words, previous studies simply explain the occurrence of [CL+N], but fail to predict the occurrence of [CL+N].
With a close examination, I suggest that numeral classifier phrase [yi+CL+N] denoting quantity can also be reduced to bare classifier phrase [CL+N] except occurring in contrastive contexts. Also, I adopt the clitic account on classifiers in Mandarin since they share many properties with clitics. Morphologically, classifiers in Mandarin never appear in isolation but attach to preceding elements. Syntactically, they are free to cliticize to hosts belonging to different categories but are not subject to syntactic roles. Phonologically, classifiers in Mandarin subcategorize their hosts within a maximal number of moras. Therefore, I argue that it is not (in)definiteness that decides the occurrence of the bare classifier [CL+N] but whether it can find a legal host to cliticize. Constraints concerning to the legal hosts will also be discuss in detail in my thesis. |
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| Description: | 碩士
國立政治大學
語言學研究所
99555002
101 |
| Source URI: | http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0099555002 |
| Data Type: | thesis |
| Appears in Collections: | [語言學研究所] 學位論文
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