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    Title: 與獨裁者共舞?威權體制的女性政治參與之起源和效果
    Dancing with the Dictator? The Origins and Effects of Women’s Political Participation in Authoritarian Regimes
    Authors: 林文正
    Lin, Wen-Cheng
    Contributors: 吳文欽

    Wu, Wen-Chin
    Lin, Thung-Hong

    Lin, Wen-Cheng
    Keywords: 女性
    Political Empowerment
    Extralegally Entry
    Sectoral Allocation
    Gendered Resource Curse
    Maternal Diseases
    Communicable Diseases
    Date: 2023
    Issue Date: 2023-09-01 15:34:58 (UTC+8)
    Abstract: 為什麼有些威權體制中的女性能夠參與政治?背後的政治邏輯是什麼?是否有其他的外在因素?女性參與對政治後果會有影響嗎?這一系列問題的核心取決於女性群體與獨裁者之間的關係,本論文將分別從三個視角來進行觀察。首先,從獨裁者穩定統治權的角度出發。不同的權力移轉模式伴隨著相應的政治風險,這使得權力合法性成為接任者的首要課題。同時權力個人化程度也會影響他們統治策略的選擇。本研究在檢證獨裁者的進入模式與權力個人化對女性政治賦權的影響後,發現非法奪權者相較於合法繼承者的權力個人化程度愈高時,有較高的女性政治賦權發展。顯示獨裁者改善女權的目的是為了延續威權體制或建構個人執政的合法性,而在個案討論中也發現非法者更加重視對女性團體的控制。
    This paper explores the evolution of women’s power in the political realm within authoritarian regimes, with a particular emphasis on the relationship between women and dictators. The analysis is presented through three distinct perspectives.
    Firstly, we consider the perspective of maintaining a dictator’s stable rule. Various modes of entry to power are accompanied by corresponding political risks, making power legitimacy a paramount concern for new successors. This paper delves into the consequences of varied models of entry on women’s political empowerment. Additionally, the extent of power personalization influences the dictator’s choice of ruling strategy. Upon assessing the impact of a dictator’s mode of entry and the degree of personalism, it becomes evident that those who assume power extralegally and exhibit a higher degree of personalism tend to support greater female political empowerment. Case analyses indicate that usurpers tend to prioritize control over female groups.
    Secondly, our focus shifts to the influence of the resource-exchange theory on the progression of women’s power. The aid plans of the OECD Development Assistance Committee are recognized as pivotal in promoting women’s power in developing countries. However, with the proliferation of gender-specific aid programs and China’s emergence as a non-traditional donor, the momentum for advancing women’s power appears to be waning. This deceleration can be attributed to changes in aid sectoral allocation and China’s burgeoning role as an alternative donor. When Chinese aid aligns with their domestic economic agenda, it can potentially destabilize the recipient nation’s economic structure, impacting women’s labor rights and political participation. This phenomenon is observable in both democratic and authoritarian recipient countries.
    Lastly, the research delves into the correlation between the magnitude of female representation in legislative bodies and the disease incidence rate. Notably, a strong link is discerned between increased female representation and reduced gender disparities in communicable diseases, offering fresh insights into the health ramifications of political representation in authoritarian countries.
    In conclusion, the disparities in women’s power development between democratic and authoritarian regimes can be attributed to dictators’ incomplete dependence on female constituencies for political support. Dictators might manipulate women’s groups to craft a favorable public persona, modulate socio-economic landscapes, reward certain female factions for political gains, or even leverage them in foreign aid negotiations. However, it’s crucial not to adopt an excessively grim view of female empowerment trajectories in authoritarian countries. It remains evident that as female representation in decision-making bodies increases, there’s a pronounced decline in disease incidence. This research offers a layered and comprehensive understanding of the complex relationship between women, authoritarian governance structures, political empowerment, and public health trends.
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