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    题名: 與獨裁者共舞?威權體制的女性政治參與之起源和效果
    Dancing with the Dictator? The Origins and Effects of Women’s Political Participation in Authoritarian Regimes
    作者: 林文正
    Lin, Wen-Cheng
    贡献者: 吳文欽
    林宗弘

    Wu, Wen-Chin
    Lin, Thung-Hong

    林文正
    Lin, Wen-Cheng
    关键词: 女性
    政治賦權
    非法進入
    權力個人化
    部門分配
    性別資源詛咒
    孕產婦疾病
    傳染性疾病
    Women
    Political Empowerment
    Extralegally Entry
    Personalism
    Sectoral Allocation
    Gendered Resource Curse
    Maternal Diseases
    Communicable Diseases
    日期: 2023
    上传时间: 2023-09-01 15:34:58 (UTC+8)
    摘要: 為什麼有些威權體制中的女性能夠參與政治?背後的政治邏輯是什麼?是否有其他的外在因素?女性參與對政治後果會有影響嗎?這一系列問題的核心取決於女性群體與獨裁者之間的關係,本論文將分別從三個視角來進行觀察。首先,從獨裁者穩定統治權的角度出發。不同的權力移轉模式伴隨著相應的政治風險,這使得權力合法性成為接任者的首要課題。同時權力個人化程度也會影響他們統治策略的選擇。本研究在檢證獨裁者的進入模式與權力個人化對女性政治賦權的影響後,發現非法奪權者相較於合法繼承者的權力個人化程度愈高時,有較高的女性政治賦權發展。顯示獨裁者改善女權的目的是為了延續威權體制或建構個人執政的合法性,而在個案討論中也發現非法者更加重視對女性團體的控制。
    其次,關注資源換取論對女權發展的影響。OECD發展援助委員會的援助計畫被視為推動開發中國家女權發展的重要因素。隨著性別援助計畫的推展以及中國作為非傳統的新進捐助者加入,使得提升女權發展效果開始減弱。一方面是援助部門的分配策略改變,另一方面則是中國作為新捐助者的替代作用。尤其是中國外援計畫結合了國內經濟發展計畫,很可能會不利於受援國經濟結構的調整,進而不利於女性勞動權益與政治參與的發展,我們也發現這種情況同樣出現在民主與威權體制的受援國。最後,則是觀察議會女性代表數與疾病的關係。已有許多研究檢證了議會女性代表的增加有助於改善孕產婦疾病。本研究則是進一步帶入疾病行為學來檢證女性代表數與傳染性疾病的性別差異,結果發現威權國家中女性議會席次愈高,傳染性疾病患病率的性別差距將會減少。
    總的來說,威權與民主體制的女權發展差異,在於獨裁者並不完全依賴女性在政治合法性的支持,更有可能是利用女性群體塑造個人的正面形象,或是調整社會經濟結構的需求,抑或是酬庸特定的女性團體來作為政爭工具,甚至是用來換取國外的各項援助。但或許不用對於威權體制中的女權發展抱持著過於悲觀的態度,我們仍可以觀察到當威權國家的決策系統中女性代表數愈高對於疾病患病率有顯著的降低作用。本文嘗試從領導人作為分析單位來釐清戰爭與女權發展的關係、觀察捐助者與援助項目對性別平權的影響,以及重新檢視女性參政與疾病的關係等三個研究面向,期望能夠為威權體制中的女性發展之研究提供更多的觀察切入點。
    This paper explores the evolution of women’s power in the political realm within authoritarian regimes, with a particular emphasis on the relationship between women and dictators. The analysis is presented through three distinct perspectives.
    Firstly, we consider the perspective of maintaining a dictator’s stable rule. Various modes of entry to power are accompanied by corresponding political risks, making power legitimacy a paramount concern for new successors. This paper delves into the consequences of varied models of entry on women’s political empowerment. Additionally, the extent of power personalization influences the dictator’s choice of ruling strategy. Upon assessing the impact of a dictator’s mode of entry and the degree of personalism, it becomes evident that those who assume power extralegally and exhibit a higher degree of personalism tend to support greater female political empowerment. Case analyses indicate that usurpers tend to prioritize control over female groups.
    Secondly, our focus shifts to the influence of the resource-exchange theory on the progression of women’s power. The aid plans of the OECD Development Assistance Committee are recognized as pivotal in promoting women’s power in developing countries. However, with the proliferation of gender-specific aid programs and China’s emergence as a non-traditional donor, the momentum for advancing women’s power appears to be waning. This deceleration can be attributed to changes in aid sectoral allocation and China’s burgeoning role as an alternative donor. When Chinese aid aligns with their domestic economic agenda, it can potentially destabilize the recipient nation’s economic structure, impacting women’s labor rights and political participation. This phenomenon is observable in both democratic and authoritarian recipient countries.
    Lastly, the research delves into the correlation between the magnitude of female representation in legislative bodies and the disease incidence rate. Notably, a strong link is discerned between increased female representation and reduced gender disparities in communicable diseases, offering fresh insights into the health ramifications of political representation in authoritarian countries.
    In conclusion, the disparities in women’s power development between democratic and authoritarian regimes can be attributed to dictators’ incomplete dependence on female constituencies for political support. Dictators might manipulate women’s groups to craft a favorable public persona, modulate socio-economic landscapes, reward certain female factions for political gains, or even leverage them in foreign aid negotiations. However, it’s crucial not to adopt an excessively grim view of female empowerment trajectories in authoritarian countries. It remains evident that as female representation in decision-making bodies increases, there’s a pronounced decline in disease incidence. This research offers a layered and comprehensive understanding of the complex relationship between women, authoritarian governance structures, political empowerment, and public health trends.
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