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    题名: 母語音韻覺識在英文拼字與讀字上所扮演的角色
    The Role of L1 Phonological Awareness in English Word Spelling and Reading
    作者: 詹益智
    Chan, I-Chih
    贡献者: 胡潔芳
    萬依萍
    Hu, Chieh-fang
    Wan, I-ping
    詹益智
    Chan, I-Chih
    关键词: 外語習得
    表音文字
    表意文字
    母語音韻覺識
    聲母—韻母覺識
    音位覺識
    字音對應知識
    英文拼字能力
    英文讀字能力
    foreign language acquisition
    alphabetic orthography
    logographic orthography
    L1 phonological awareness
    onset-rime awareness
    phonemic awareness
    letter-sound knowledge
    English word spelling ability
    English word reading ability
    日期: 2003
    上传时间: 2009-09-17 16:23:54 (UTC+8)
    摘要: 傳統上認為以中文為母語的孩童並不具有「音位覺識能力」(phonemic awareness)，本研究以實驗方式直接測量以中文為母語孩童的「音位覺識能力」，同時探討孩童「音位覺識能力」及「聲母—韻母覺識能力」(onset-rime awareness) 在英文拼字與讀字上所扮演的角色。在本研究中，一百九十二位國小四年級的孩童參與二項「母語音韻覺識測驗」，包括「聲母/韻母異音測驗」(onset/rime oddity test) 和「韻腹/韻尾異音測驗」(nucleus/coda oddity test)。根據上述二項測驗的成績，將孩童分為三組：第一組孩童(共29人)，其「聲母—韻母覺識能力」和「音位覺識能力」皆佳；第二組孩童(共29人)，其「聲母—韻母覺識能力」佳，但「音位覺識能力」差；第三組孩童(共26人)，其「聲母—韻母覺識能力」和「音位覺識能力」皆差。我們接著利用「拼英文假字測驗」和「讀英文假字測驗」來測量三組孩童的英文拼字與讀字的能力，在施測之前，孩童們有八次的機會學會「拼字」與「讀字」兩項測驗所需具備的「字音對應規則」。結果顯示，雖然孩童的「音位覺識能力」在程度上有所不同，但以中文為母語的孩童已具備「音位覺識能力」。此外，在考慮了孩童們「記憶廣度」(digit span)與「英文聽話字彙」 (English receptive vocabulary)的差異後，「聲母—韻母覺識能力」和「音位覺識能力」皆佳的孩童，在拼字的表現上優於「聲母—韻母覺識能力」佳，但「音位覺識能力」差的孩童來，接著「聲母—韻母覺識能力」佳，但「音位覺識能力」差的孩童的拼字表現優於「聲母—韻母覺識能力」和「音位覺識能力」皆差的孩童。最後，「音位覺識能力」佳的的孩童，在讀字的表現上優於「音位覺識能力」差的的孩童，此外，並無證據顯示「聲母—韻母覺識能力」在孩童的讀字能力上扮演著重要的角色。整體而言，本研究的結果支持其他研究的看法，這些研究認為以中文為母語的孩童在母語習得過程中所發展出來的「音韻覺識能力」對於其英文拼字與讀字的能力上有著一定的貢獻，此外，本研究更進一步顯示，這種貢獻會隨著「音韻覺識」程度的不同而有所改變。
    It has been conventionally assumed that Chinese-speaking children do not have phonemic awareness. In this study, Chinese-speaking children’s phonemic awareness was empirically tested and its role, relative to onset-rime awareness, in the acquisition of English spelling and reading abilities was examined. Two L1 phonological awareness tests (i.e., an onset/rime oddity test and a nucleus/coda oddity test) were administered to a total of 192 Chinese-speaking fourth-graders. The children were selected and categorized based on their performances on the two L1 phonological awareness tests: 29 children with good onset-rime awareness and good phonemic awareness, 29 children with good onset-rime awareness but poor phonemic awareness, and 26 children with poor onset-rime awareness and poor phonemic awareness. The three groups of children were then tested on their abilities to spell and read English pseudowords. Before taking the English pseudoword spelling and reading tasks, the children were provided with eight opportunities to master the requisite letter-sound knowledge for the success in spelling and reading the pseudowords. The results showed that Chinese-speaking children demonstrated phonological awareness at the phonemic level, though varying in degree. Considered along with individual differences in digit span and English receptive vocabulary, children with better phonological awareness at both the onset-rime level and the phonemic level performed better in English pseudoword spelling than children with better onset-rime awareness but poorer phonemic awareness, who in turn, performed better than children with poorer phonological awareness at both levels. Finally, children with better phonemic awareness outperformed the other two groups of children with poorer phonemic awareness in pseudoword reading. Onset-rime awareness did not seem to play a significant role in pseudoword reading. These results support and extend other studies suggesting that the acquisition of English spelling and reading abilities in Chinese-speaking children benefits from the phonological awareness obtained during the course of first language acquisition and that the beneficial effect varies with the levels of phonological awareness.
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